You can’t love Singapore’s transformation and hate the practical reforms that gave birth to it.
Moving from a vulnerable post-colonial port into a high-income global city-state was neither smooth nor consensual.
Under Lee Kuan Yew, the country’s founding prime minister, economic pragmatism repeatedly overrode liberal instinct.
Captured in Lee Kuan Yew’s book From Third World to First, it is evident that the transformation of Singapore was anchored in the belief that great sacrifices, particularly in political freedoms and individual choice, were unavoidable costs in securing national survival, social cohesion and long-term economic success.
Ten initiatives, in particular, defined the bargain Singapore struck with itself.

1. Suppression of the political left.
In the 1960s, Lee moved decisively against communist-linked unions and opposition figures through detentions without trial under the Internal Security Act. Many citizens accepted the measures as necessary in a volatile region, others saw a permanent narrowing of political space. The compromise was security at the cost of pluralism.
2. A dominant-party system.
The People’s Action Party entrenched itself through institutional advantage, tight regulation of opposition parties and defamation suits against critics. Voters rewarded competence and rising living standards, but Singapore traded competitive politics for predictability and continuity.
3. Strict controls on the press.
Media licensing laws and ownership structures ensured editorial alignment with state priorities. The public largely tolerated this in exchange for low corruption and policy clarity. The price was a muted public sphere and limited investigative journalism.

4. Public housing as social engineering.
The Housing and Development Board rehoused more than 80 per cent of Singaporeans, delivering security of tenure and wealth accumulation.
Ethnic quotas within estates promoted integration but constrained personal choice, embedding state oversight into daily life.
5. Compulsory savings through the CPF.
Mandatory contributions to the Central Provident Fund disciplined labour and financed development. While it underpinned high savings and home ownership, it reduced disposable income and placed retirement security firmly under state management.
6. An uncompromising anti-corruption regime.
High ministerial pay and severe penalties were politically contentious but effective. Citizens accepted elite remuneration as insurance against graft, implicitly endorsing a technocratic, performance-based social contract.
7. English as the working language.
Promoting English unified a multilingual society and plugged Singapore into global markets, but marginalised Chinese dialects and other mother tongues. Cultural loss was the trade-off for economic integration.
8. Social discipline through law.
Harsh penalties for drugs, vandalism and other offences, alongside famously intrusive regulations, reinforced order. Many Singaporeans embraced safety and cleanliness, while critics decried a culture of compliance over creativity.
9. Managed immigration and meritocracy.
An open-door policy for foreign talent fuelled growth and competitiveness, but stoked anxieties over inequality and identity. The state responded with calibrated controls, acknowledging social strain without abandoning openness.

10. Labour restraint and union co-option.
Independent labour activism was curtailed in favour of tripartite cooperation between government, employers and unions. Wages rose steadily, strikes vanished, and industrial peace prevailed—at the cost of adversarial worker representation.
Across these initiatives, the pattern is consistent: Lee privileged outcomes over process. Citizens, for their part, responded less with protest than with conditional consent. As long as growth delivered jobs, housing and security, constraints were tolerated. Dissent existed, but it rarely altered the trajectory.
The compromises Singapore allowed were profound. Political freedoms were narrowed, civil society disciplined and cultural expression managed. In return came rapid industrialisation, low corruption, and a state capable of long-term planning. The system’s durability suggests the bargain held—though it remains contested, particularly among younger Singaporeans more attuned to global norms of expression.

Lee Kuan Yew’s legacy, then, is not simply authoritarian efficiency or benevolent technocracy. It is a case study in the costs of accelerated development, serving as a reminder that nation-building often demands choices that are economically rational but morally ambiguous.
Singapore’s success was real, but it was never free.
